A reader’s reaction to article “Malaysia’s political quagmire”.

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Depending on the reading, the prime minister, Abdullah Badawi's inaction may indeed be read as ineptitude on the one hand, or the evidence of a zen-like political acumen seldom seen in Malaysian history books.

Prof Welsh is certainly right when she notes that, "There are those who feel his actions - or rather inactions - have permitted the current situation to come about," but some, including myself, would like to believe that this is not an altogether bad situation. In fact, I would go so far as to say that, on a generous reading, this may be part of an overall plan to allow greater transparency and greater participation on the part of the Rakyat (the people).

The PM's job is a delicate one: on the one hand, the PM's first and foremost priority is the welfare of the Malays, without whose support no party can succeed. Second comes the welfare of the Chinese and Indians, who, owing to better communication technology and better education, are getting increasingly vocal about their need for representation and their recognition as Malaysians.

Third, and perhaps most difficult, managing the country under the shadow of Mahathir, whose influence can still be felt in most every institution and industry in the country - be it the judiciary, the financial system, the automobile industry, energy sector, etc.

Indeed, anyone succeeding Mahathir would have had a rude awakening: during the latter's time in office, much wheeling and dealing was done under board. Illegal and undemocratic structures were in place to ensure his cronies would profit from the industrialisation of the country. It came with a price, of course. The Machiavellian Mahathir would ensure everyone who curries favour from him was within his grasp - a controversy here, a sex scandal there, and, if need be, a depraved homosexual deputy minister who, in blatant abuse of his power, sodomises anyone and everyone.

But nothing best displays Mahathir's political instinct than the way he kept the Rakyat at bay, with one hand on the rod and the other on the pot of honey. Mahathir systematically institutionalised his control system within Malaysia's government structure through the promises of prosperity and the threat of racial instability in the same breath. A classic practitioner of the divide-and-conquer theory, Mahathir could laud the racial harmony of the Malaysian peoples while at the same time warning the Malays of the impending threat from Chinese and Malays.

Foucault would have found him an interesting study.

Now, imagine Badawi coming into all this. Of course, he's no rookie to Malaysian politics, having been an MP for a dog's age and held important posts in the cabinet during the Mahathir years. But it is also because of this experience which may have advised him of the suicide which is wholesale reform. Badawi did not have the backing of the army or the police - those were firmly behind his deputy, Najib, once a Mahathir-backed candidate for the top post.

Also, his cabinet was crawling with Mahathir cronies, who, believing in the protectorate of the old man, could do as they please as they used to do. Badawi did not have a good reason to throw them out; after all, they were veterans and to dismiss them after an excellent electoral showing would upset the Malays.

But reform was necessary then as it is now.

If there were two things that he needed to do, they were: i) restore the faith of the Rakyat in the institutions of the country - the judiciary, police and government; and ii) liberalise the market such that economic wealth was better distributed to all, rather than just a handful of select granisations.

Both measures could spell doom for him. First, because an independent judiciary would uncover the buried skeletons in Mahathir's cronies - many of whom are still in power. (In fact, much is now evident in the Lingam Case as well as the muder of the Mongolian model).

Regardless of whether Badawi's ineptitude or his political acumen is to blame/thank, he has inadvertently stumbled upon the heart of the matter: that Mahathir's system of rule needed an authoritarian at the heart of the system to pull the strings and to keep the peace. There needed to be someone ruthless enough to condemn the press, publicly scandalise someone if need be, to threaten to keep people in place.

In other words, Mahathir's system was pretty much a full-time hands-on job. But without such a person, the web starts to unravel - the media and the critics are emboldened without the threat of detention thrown against them; people feel free, for the first time in a long time, to vote without coercion; and like a giddy high-school boy let out past curfew for the first time, the voters went to town.

The differences are striking. For example, the last time the opposition even came close to the result of this past election, a national emergency was declared as the races took to the streets in an armed struggle. Chinese hacked Malays, Malays hacked Indians - that event would be a defining point in the brief history of Malaysia, leading to much of the more draconian laws that are still in place today. Many say the riots were politically engineered to legitimise and justify entrenched draconian laws to keep the public out of the know.

In contrast, the ruling coalition suffered the biggest loss in the history of the country this past March, but it was accepted with quiet dignity and a promise to improve their performance.

By not doing anything, Badawi may have just sped up the democratisation of Malaysia, which in the long-run may be more effective than his doing anything at all. The hallmark of a democracy is that the institutions should sustain themselves regardless of the person in power. If Badawi were indeed that active agent of reform who swept the halls clean, it continues to pander to the Rakyat, much the same way as Mahathir did, without guaranteeing any permanent change.

By returning the power of governance to the Rakyat, Badawi will ensure that the next Mahathir to come around will find stiffer opposition in transparent, reformed institutions and vocal critics.

~Kampung Boy